Since August 15, 1984, the PKK has been waging a major struggle against denialist colonialism and fascism, centered on guerrilla warfare. It has made significant progress toward the Kurdish people’s right to national freedom and unity, on a path of the highest sacrifice as expressed in the 40,000 fallen comrades. It was one of the leading forces resisting the wave of liquidation that broke out worldwide in 1990-1991 and led the Rojava Revolution in 2012. The PKK convened its 12th Congress and decided to dissolve itself and end the armed struggle. The Congress announced that the forces of the PKK will continue the political struggle with unarmed and legal organizations and forms of struggle, that they have full confidence in the new strategy and line, and that the leadership of the movement will guide the process from now on.
Our party, which considers it a revolutionary duty to share its thoughts on the two key strategic decisions and some of the theses adopted by the Congress with the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey, with the Arab, Persian, and Azerbaijani peoples, and especially with the revolutionaries of the region and the communist, revolutionary, and anti-fascist parties and organizations worldwide, has come to the following conclusions in its assessment of the PKK’s 12th Congress decisions:
1) Ending the armed struggle and free organization, as well as the formal handover of weapons to this or that interlocutor through an unwritten agreement, that does not guarantee fundamental national-democratic rights such as mother tongue education and national autonomy, and essential rights such as the unconditional release of prisoners of war and the unconditional return of all guerrilla forces and political exiles to Northern Kurdistan, is the acceptance of a peace that is neither just nor democratic.
2) Apart from the fact that certain legislative changes expected by the fascist chief regime are based on keeping collective national democratic rights under lock and key, the aim is not to shed light on the fascist colonial crimes against humanity and hold the criminals accountable, but on the contrary to bring the guerrillas as individuals and persons who have committed crimes before the colonial justice system. This is intended to pave the way for the policy of the fascist colonialist enemy, which is organizing the mood and practice of capitulation.
3) The new strategic line, based on the theses and beliefs that armed struggle, illegal means and methods of the party have lost their validity and that the colonial yoke cannot be overthrown in a revolutionary manner, that a struggle cannot be waged outside the boundaries drawn by denialist colonialism, is liquidationist and reformist.
4) The same thesis, based on the claim to transform colonialism and conquer the fortress from within, making it inherently reformist because it bypasses the economic core of the problem and reduces colonialism to the policies of the ruling national bourgeoisie or governments.
5) Theses such as “real socialist influence,” “denial has been resolved since the Özal era,” and organizational-ideological “irrelevance and repetition” are expressions of the theorization of the reformist new strategy and line.
6) The thesis of “democratic socialism versus nation-state socialism” seeks to provide ideological ammunition for the reformist line, which is based on the idea that revolution is unnecessary. It detaches socialism from the reality of classes and has a reformist character based on the denial and rejection of the Union of Soviet Republics, which is the achievment of the October Revolution and is based on the full equality of nations.
7) Our party has no doubt about the subjective sincerity of the PKK Congress’s statements, according to which the national democratic forces, which are to be organized on a legal, peaceful basis, are to be mobilized for a determined political struggle. Our party, which holds the position that popular dynamics will develop on a legal, practical, and legitimate basis, maintains its stance of alliance with the new structure based on national democratic and general democratic rights and freedoms, and will act accordingly.
8) It is the current task of the revolutionary and anti-chauvinist anti-fascist parties and groups in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan to expand the struggle to stop the colonialist peace process and prevent the fascist regime from exploiting the situation to strengthen itself, by demanding a just and democratic Turkish-Kurdish national peace. In this context, we call on the revolutionary and anti-chauvinist anti-fascist parties and groups, as well as the workers, women, youth, poor, laborers, LGBTI+, artists, and intellectuals of the Kurdish and Turkish peoples, the Arab, Circassian, Armenian, Greek, Bosniak, Pomak, Assyrian, Chaldean, Albanian, Romani, Laz, Georgian, and Azerbaijani national communities, the Alevi and Yazidi religious communities, to join us in calling for the official recognition of the existence of the Kurdish nation and the right to mother tongue education, the release of Abdullah Öcalan and all prisoners of war, revolutionary, anti-fascist political prisoners, the declaration of an unconditional ceasefire, the repeal of the fascist anti-terror law, the dissolution of fascist colonialist dirty war organizations such as Jitem, the special forces, and the village guards; the disclosure of the graves of revolutionaries, patriots, and democrats who were disappeared by the fascist state forces, and an immediate end to the occupations of Rojava and Bashûr.
9) There is no other path for the liberation of the working class and the oppressed, for the freedom of women, for the equality of peoples than revolution! As long as the monopoly of arms and violence remains in the hands of states serving the imperialist and collaborating bourgeoisie, in the hands of colonialism and the patriarchal system, as long as the workers, women, the oppressed, and the poor are kept unarmed and condemned to fight with their bare fists against rifle barrels, tanks, and cannons, revolution is impossible. The goals of freedom, justice, and equality for women and peoples cannot be achieved through legal, peaceful means and forms, through parliamentary struggle. A socialist society can never be built in this way. This is the clear and final verdict of the last 150 years of struggle between the working class and the bourgeoisie, between the oppressors and the oppressed, between the rich and the poor. Based on this truth, we call on the working class, the laborers, women, youth, the poor and oppressed people of Kurdistan and Turkey to support the struggle, waged by all means and forms, legal and illegal, peaceful and based on mass violence, armed and unarmed, to unite, organize, and fight in this direction.
source: ICOR