“We are an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche organization. The CAM represents a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for their land.”
Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca, a Mapuche political prisoner and spokesperson for the Arauco Mapuche Coordinator (CAM), along with this movement, stands as a historical figure in the autonomous and revolutionary fight for the liberation of the Mapuche Nation. For decades, he and CAM have faced political, military, judicial, and media persecution by the Chilean State and its ruling classes. Currently, he is again under political incarceration, having recently undertaken a nearly three-month hunger strike to demand, among other things, transfer to a prison with a module for Mapuche community members, as international regulations for indigenous peoples stipulate. Despite these regulations, the Chilean State continues to hold him as a regular inmate at the Bíobio Penitentiary Complex in Concepción.
Under isolation imprisoning conditions, community member Héctor Llaitul gives an extensive interview with Vocesenlucha, addressing a range of topics from the historical backdrop that contextualizes the Mapuche movement’s quest for land and autonomy, to the CAM’s methods of struggle. He also discusses contentious issues recently highlighted by mainstream Chilean media, including the case of Pablo Marchant, a Mapuche weichafe of the CAM who was killed in 2021. Additionally, he touches on the current Boric government’s role in the oppression, legal prosecution, and militarization of Mapuche territory, its subordination to the US, its approach to lecturing about democracy to sovereign nations like Venezuela, and the rise of fascism in Latin America. Let’s begin.
Vocesenlucha: First, I appreciate your willingness to engage with this platform. To facilitate this interview, we transmitted the questions from a location in La Mancha to intermediaries who forwarded them to the prison in Concepción, Chile. Hector Llaitul, could you introduce yourself and explain why you are incarcerated?
Hector Llaitul: I am a Mapuche and a revolutionary of the Mapuche people. As the Werken, or spokesperson, for the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco (CAM), I am currently incarcerated in Concepción, sentenced to 23 years under the State Security Law for crimes linked to the longstanding conflict between the Mapuche Nation and the Chilean and Argentine states. This marks my third conviction by Chilean courts in a series of eight political persecution trials for my role as a Weychafe (warrior) and Werken for the Mapuche cause, and I am the sole individual convicted of “apology of violence” in the post-Pinochet era.
Having completed an 87-day hunger strike, nearly three months in duration, could you share the reasons behind the strike and your evaluation of the political and judicial reactions to it?
I recently ended a hunger strike lasting nearly 90 days, which has resulted in certain physical consequences that I need to recover from to keep fighting for my people’s cause. The strike was motivated by two main reasons. Firstly, I sought the Annulment of a trial that convicted me (without objective and concrete evidence), under the State Security Law—a law with political biases, refined and extensively used by the Pinochet dictatorship to target dissenters. However, my plea was denied as the Supreme Court dismissed the annulment appeal against the Temuco Guarantee Court’s verdict, upholding the conviction, the political persecution, and the breaches of due process. Secondly, the strike was a call for the recognition of the cultural and political rights of the Mapuche as an indigenous people. In the midst of this conflict, many have been imprisoned for participating in the territorial dispute with forestry companies and the Chilean State. The distinction is clear: losing freedom is one thing, but losing our identity as Mapuche is non-negotiable.
A summary-assessment of the strike highlights the Chilean institutions’ continued policy of criminalization, persecution, and extermination of the Mapuche autonomist cause. This policy is characterized by repressive actions and a high degree of racism and denial towards the Mapuche, especially when our territorial and political struggle clashes head-on with the interests of big capital that operates predatorily in Wallmapu (Mapuche territory). In short, I have been wrongfully sentenced and I am kept imprisoned, in violation of my human and cultural rights as a Mapuche political prisoner. Consequently, I remain mobilized and active as a spokesperson for the autonomist cause of my organization.
Let’s go back a little. To understand CAM, one must look back to the 1990s when it emerged as a pivotal force in the struggle of indigenous peoples in Latin America. Today, CAM remains active, steadfastly advocating for autonomy and the self-determination of the Mapuche people through its political agenda. How can we explain what CAM is to those unfamiliar with its history of struggle?
We are a Mapuche organization that is autonomist and revolutionary. The CAM marks a significant advancement in the Mapuche people’s fight for our lands. It represents a turning point from a systemic institutional struggle within a framework of domination to one of defiance and rebellion. This will evolve into a political-strategic battle, positioning itself as a proposal for the liberation of our Nation and potentially serving as a reference for other oppressed peoples.
Indeed, the CAM emerges in the Historical Conflict as an autonomist Mapuche organization, with the primary goal of reconstructing the Mapuche Nation. From its inception, CAM has engaged in a territorial and political struggle, rooted in the Mapuche People’s historical claims for the restoration of TERRITORY and AUTONOMY. This approach is based on two strategic axes; on the one hand, to develop Resistance to the historical enemy, namely the oligarchy and the capitalist state; and on the other, to undertake a significant process of Rebuilding the Mapuche Nation, inevitably leading to confrontation with the power of domination. Both the active resistance and the revitalization of the Mapuche realm—its social, political, and cultural fabric—are steps towards achieving National Liberation, the ultimate strategic aim. Thus, CAM’s actions, grounded in direct engagement, encompass not only self-defensive sabotage or political violence but also transformative acts of insubordination against the system, such as planting crops, building habitats, and repositioning spaces of cultural significance. This comprehensive effort is what constitutes the reweaving of the Mapuche social, political, and cultural tapestry; the resurgence of the Mapuche world.
Due to these stances, our organization has faced repression and political persecution by the Chilean State for three decades. We have endured bloodshed, sacrifice, and imprisonment for embracing the Mapuche political proposal.
Over the decades, as CAM has strengthened its connections within Mapuche communities, how has its political thinking developed and matured?
For nearly thirty years, the CAM has upheld its autonomist and revolutionary position. As a Mapuche organization deeply connected to the communities and steadfast in preserving the nature of a Mapuche movement, we pose a significant challenge to the capitalist State’s foundations, which continue to exhibit its colonial and racist roots when confronting the Mapuche Autonomist Movement. Consequently, we have faced relentless repression and have had to withstand various forms of aggression from the forces of domination.
In this context, our political and combative proposal has been enduring and evolving. It is a political ideology shaped by the tangible struggles, through which we continuously learn and relearn the essence of combat, now imbued with respect and regard for the legacy of our ancestors. Concurrently, we must encapsulate, systematize, and refine within the present context where our battle rages in daily life, particularly concerning our present understanding of Itrofil Mongen. This concept signifies that we engage in our struggle alongside the other elements of our environment, which exist in nature and another dimension of our existence, a spiritual and mystical realm. As Mapuche, we place greater value on our ancestral heritage than on the destructive culture of postmodernist winka [foreigner] capitalism.
What is the significance of land and territory for the Mapuche people, and what is the CAM’s organized proposal concerning territory?
For this reason, we reassert our Mapuchist or cultural principles to bolster our political-strategic thought, emphasizing the paramount significance of land and territory as the cornerstone of our political endeavor and the rebirth of the Mapuche World. Autonomy is unattainable without the recovery of the territory. The revival of the Mapuche World hinges on the restoration and reconstitution of our lands. It also depends on a plan to reforge community bonds through the enlargement of territorial domains, enabling the full exercise of our rights as Mapuche Communards. Consequently, our approach has consistently been to engage in a coordinated and vigorous campaign for the restitution of ancestral lands, thereby establishing the groundwork for a broader concept of Revolutionary Autonomy. We advocate for autonomy in practice, REVOLUTIONARY AUTONOMY, a confrontation with power on all fronts, ensuring political, ideological, and organic independence, and crucially, a form of cultural sovereignty (a cultural confrontation) where the opposition and conflict are resolute and uncompromising. Hence, we must champion the Mapuche and revolutionary cause with a platform centered on TERRITORIAL CONTROL, which fundamentally represents our method and invitation to our people to partake in this journey of reestablishing the Mapuche Nation. Within this framework, our political and organizational endeavors, the formation and mobilization of various ORT (Organs of Territorial Resistance), the disruption of demonstrations and the expansion of major capital, as well as the diverse KUDAW that embody the restorations premised on the practice of territorial control, should be interpreted. For us, RESISTANCE encompasses a vast scope and bears immense cultural weight in the nexus between HUMANITY and LAND.
In contrast, what is the significance of the territory for the ruling classes of the Chilean State, the successors of the Spanish Empire, and its historical relationship with the Wallmapu territory of present-day southern Chile, and consequently with the Mapuche People?
Since the establishment of the national states of Chile and Argentina, there has been an ongoing process of occupation and domination over the indigenous peoples, with the oligarchy coveting the ancestral territories. The significance of the territory to the ruling classes has been a historical constant, crucial to comprehending the conflict between the capitalist State and the Mapuche People. The historical connection with WALLMAPU, or the ancestral territory, is rooted in conquest, occupation, and dispossession, prompting the demand and diverse forms of resistance from our side.
The ancestral Mapuche territory holds significant value for the dominant classes, heirs of the Spanish Empire and European colonialism, as they persist in plundering our wealth, the land, water, and other resources within our territories. This exploitation maintains and sharpens contradictions with the historical and core demands of the Mapuche World, as it encroaches upon the most vital interests and values we hold as an indigenous community. The “land and water resources” they desire are, to us, our ÑUKE MAPU [Mother Earth], our ITROFIL MONGEN [Pluri-diversity – All Life Without Exception].
What methods does the CAM employ to recover territory? What role does the military path play in the movement and how does this form of struggle relate to the political and ethical thinking of the CAM?
The CAM employs a variety of methods and approaches for territorial recovery. These range from effective occupations accompanied by ceremonies and the building of rukas [traditional house], to acts of sabotage targeting the forestry and energy industries’ supply chains and infrastructure, which greatly impact community survival. Within this context, political violence is seen as necessary for defending the territory and securing the gains made through territorial struggle.
The progression of territorial and political struggles has led to the Chilean State and the ruling class implementing a regime akin to military occupation, escalating confrontations with the Mapuche people. This has necessitated a comprehensive resumption of our struggle, termed the return of Weichan. It signifies the adoption of a military approach within the Mapuche autonomist and revolutionary movement, which fervently supports the Mapuche cause.
It must be clarified that this expression is currently channeled and strictly limited to the resistance and self-defense of communities when specific processes necessitate it. Its use as a form of struggle is intimately connected to political and strategic considerations. We maintain that this method of combat is highly restricted and aligned with our Mapuche stance, which advocates for the defense and restoration of the Mapuche World. It opposes all that endangers our Itrofil Mongen, our worldview, and spirituality. Its implementation will adhere to an ethical framework of political action that honors life in its broadest sense, safeguards ÑUKE MAPU, and seeks to repair the damage wrought by extractivist policies and the legacy of the colonial bourgeois order, characterized by destruction and extermination.
What do you think are the primary antagonistic forces against the Mapuche People?
The Mapuche people’s struggle spans several centuries, with a partially documented history of the resistance against the Incas and the Spanish Empire. Subsequently, their resistance was directed towards the national states of Chile and Argentina. Today, they confront what could be considered the fourth invasion, and perhaps the most formidable: the encroachment of globalized capitalism. Within this context, the Mapuche People’s current adversaries are multifaceted, stemming from the historical foe of the oligarchy and capitalist States.
Indeed, the Chilean oligarchy has been instrumental in defining the invasion and exploitation of our ancestral lands. They orchestrated and funded the political-military occupation of Wallmapu, leading to its ongoing pillage, a trend that persists with the current extractive policies aggressively encroaching upon the land and the Mapuche World. The establishment of National States further solidified this invasion and occupation. The system of domination imposed by these states serves a colonizing and oppressive role against our People-Nation. Today, the Chilean State, deeply rooted in racism and colonialism, continues to oppress and dominate the Mapuche People-Nation, stripping away their rights, especially those pertaining to their territory and autonomy.
The occupation of Wallmapu stemmed from a political-military campaign by the Chilean and Argentine armies, known as the “Pacification of Araucanía” and the “Desert Campaign”. To this day, we live under the political and military domination of the powerful, with military forces (police and armies) maintaining a regime of occupation over our People. This serves to protect the interests of major economic entities that plunder the ancestral territory, primarily for forestry and energy industries.
When we speak of oppression by state institutions, we refer to the complete legal, political, and institutional framework designed to subjugate and oppress the Mapuche. It is the ruling class, through the political class (executive, legislative, and judicial branches), and the entities serving the economic-political development model’s interests that stand absolutely against the Mapuche communities. Consequently, it can be stated that nearly all governments founded on the neoliberal model oppose the Mapuche cause, thereby administering and legislating policies and laws against the Autonomist Movement and the communities fighting for their rights.
For these reasons, it can be asserted that the economic and political right-wing factions are among the most significant adversaries of the Mapuche cause in this country. It is evident that there exists an extreme right-wing presence, espousing increasingly racist and fascist rhetoric to protect the interests of influential parties in areas of conflict, thereby encouraging the activities of paramilitaries and mafias associated with these economic groups.
Ultimately, it is crucial to address the role of the media serving fascist interests and defending the most intransigent aspects of the capitalist system. Additionally, the spectrum of the press serving the bourgeoisie has expanded recently, encompassing even those outlets that professed to be “independent” and “progressive,” yet ultimately sided with corporate interests in supporting the present Boric administration. Consequently, it becomes clear why certain media, which self-identified as left-wing, have engaged in biased and unfair treatment.
How did Chilean political power change after the dictatorship and how was the relationship between the Chilean State and both national and transnational capital reconfigured?
Strictly speaking, there has been no change. What has occurred, in our view, is a shift within the inter-bourgeois framework that perpetuates the historical oligarchy’s advantage over the oppressed, especially the Mapuche Nation. Consequently, the Chilean State’s relationship with major national and transnational capital is characterized by subordination and dependency on the interests of this capital. Therefore, the current government’s attitude can be seen as servile and subservient to the interests of multinational Corporations and Yankee Imperialism.
In essence, we believe that the dictatorship’s logic persists under a neoliberal guise. The privatization and sale of Mapuche lands during the dictatorship, which remain unrecovered, exemplify this continuity. Although the forms of power and domination have evolved, becoming more sophisticated and restructured to enhance hegemony through increased profitability and diversified support, the underlying dynamics remain. Many individuals now employed by forestry companies represent a fragile and temporary triumph for the political and economic elite. These dynamics benefit the forestry sector and business community financially by shifting the conflict into the communities themselves, securing support from various sectors. However, when such measures prove inadequate, the state’s coercive power is unleashed with full intensity, leading to criminalization, death, imprisonment, and militarization, as observed in Ngulumapu [Mapuche territory west of the Andes] for over two years. These evolving dynamics, which have been in flux since the dictatorship’s end, is what the Mapuche territorial struggle continues to confront, upholding its core principles.
Years ago, you stated that the liberation of the Mapuche People is intertwined with the liberation of the Chilean people. The Popular Rebellion of 2019 marked a significant moment for popular movements in Latin America. However, Chilean political power found ways to redirect its crisis by seemingly instituting change with the election of President Gabriel Boric. Previously, President Boric had visited communities in resistance within the CAM and showed solidarity with the Mapuche struggle. Now that he has arrived at La Moneda as the head of state, what is the policy of the current government towards the Mapuche People and their expressions of struggle?
First of all, we must clarify that Boric has not visited communities associated with the CAM in the past; however, he has engaged with other groups that resonated with his message. Secondly, we do not agree with the notion that the “social explosion” has fostered conditions conducive to institutional change under the current government. At least in relation to the longstanding conflict involving our People. What has transpired is an intensification of the capitalist system, which has paved the way for the extreme right to launch a renewed fascist campaign at various levels, not just in Wallmapu, leading to an occupation regime characterized by increased authoritarianism across Chile.
Our analysis indicates a reshaping of the forms of domination in Wallmapu. As previously stated, the policy of ‘the Stick and the Carrot’ is being enforced once more. However, the current administration appears to have tilted towards intensifying the repression and extermination of the Mapuche Nation’s People, especially when it comes to confronting with all the force of the State the manifestations of resistance and reconstruction efforts by our People.
Moreover, the situation can be depicted as a lack of will to address the most heartfelt demands of the communities, primarily those concerning the restitution of the usurped lands. This is compounded by the complete militarization of the historic Wallmapu, the escalating militarized suppression of resistance organizations and mobilized communities, the hundreds of Mapuche political prisoners, and the assorted infringements and breaches of the human and cultural rights of those community members most actively engaged in the Mapuche cause.
This government still has prisoners from the popular rebellion or the “uprising” and holds over 100 Mapuche weichafe in custody. Nonetheless, it positions itself to give lectures on democracy to other nations, such as to Venezuela. What do you think about that?
Indeed, under the current government, there have been more Mapuche political prisoners than at any other time in the history of the conflict between the Chilean State and the Mapuche People. Over 100 community members are incarcerated in Chilean prisons, many of whom are not acknowledged as political prisoners, and their cultural rights as indigenous people are violated. This is despite Chile’s ratification of international agreements such as Convention 169 (of the International Labor Organization), which are not being upheld by the government. Therefore, it is contradictory and quite audacious for this government’s authorities to openly criticize other governments in the region on this matter, given that Chile has political prisoners, including many Mapuche who are advocating for the territorial and political rights of our people.
The current government lacks the political and moral authority to criticize or impose sanctions on other nations regarding the persecution of opponents, especially here, when they have militarized our territories and have murdered and imprisoned our Weichafe. Indeed, from what we have learned through our brothers, Venezuela has shown greater respect for the rights of indigenous peoples. Its system of representation, which is more democratic than Chile’s, acknowledges and includes its indigenous communities.
The prevailing narrative and actions of the current Chilean authorities are characterized by racism and denialism. This is demonstrated by the existence of political prisoners and the ongoing enforcement of repressive policies and measures steeped in structural and discursive racism. Political authorities initiate legal actions against us, while biased and corrupt police forces pursue us. Similarly, prejudiced courts issue convictions against us, and the Gendarmerie subjects us to harassment and oppression within Chilean prisons.
What do you think is the influence of US-led imperialism in Chile?
One of the historical events that has most reflected the reality of Chilean capitalism’s dependence on Yankee imperialism was the Pinochet dictatorship. Subsequently, the maintenance of the neoliberal model and the system of alternating power with the forces representing the oligarchy reveals not only the North American influence but also Chile’s dependence on the globalized world capitalist system, which is controlled by Yankee multinational corporations, which are the ones that define the guidelines of economies that are imposed by blood and fire in a large part of the world. Thus, we understand why the authorities of the current government have supported interventionism, blockades and wars against the sovereignty of peoples and their self-determination. We see Boric supporting not only Biden, but also Zelenski, Milei and other pro-imperialists in the region, who in turn attack governments that daily resist genocidal and interventionist policies such as Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua.
Currently, the concept of Yankee influence has expanded due to geostrategic interests in oil and other mineral resources (lithium), which are increasingly subjected to the control of global powers. This trend towards alignment with imperialistic forces is becoming more evident.
In Europe, the political and social advancement of the extreme right is unprecedented since the Second World War. What do you think of the rise of the extreme right, and its fascist expressions in Latin America, and what do you think is the responsibility of the so-called progressive movements and the left in this surge?
Indeed, the influence and power of the extreme right have been increasing globally, a trend that has been documented in Europe and has had ripple effects in the region. This has led to a resurgence of fascist ideologies in local governments, a neo-fascist offensive that reasserts the most extreme and racist elements of the right and far-right, originating from the colonizers and usurpers of ancestral lands.
The resurgence of a neo-fascist movement in Chile must be understood in the context of Wallmapu, where an oligarchic elite, embodying the most extreme racist and fascist elements of the Chilean right, has taken root. This elite, descended from European settlers, amassed wealth through the brutal subjugation and genocide of the Mapuche People, coupled with rampant exploitation of the natural environment. Such actions have led to the devastation of territories and the implementation of extractive policies that threaten the very existence of Mapuche collectives and communities. In response, the Mapuche people have reignited the Weichan, a struggle to defend our people, preserve nature, and uphold a justice system rooted in community values.
Indeed, the pseudo-left bears significant responsibility, especially the inaccurately termed “progressivism,” for the rise of the extreme right and fascism. This is largely because they have not only integrated into the neoliberal system but have also come to embrace and manage government programs founded on neoliberal principles. This, combined with their deviations into subservient and corrupt political practices, has contributed to the issue.
Do you think that a plan is underway for social decomposition in the historic Mapuche territory of Wallmapu, facilitated by the progression of paramilitary groups acting in the interests of large capital?
There is a strategy of containment and confrontation against the autonomist Mapuche movement, which exhibits revolutionary behavior and actions, as demonstrated by the political practices of the CAM. This strategy, crafted by the forces of domination, seeks to suppress and dismantle the Mapuche groups that with greater strength and conviction fight for national reconstruction. Indeed, in Chile, there exists a communication policy aimed at demonizing the Mapuche cause, involving nearly all the official media that kowtows to power.
The State and its institutions are the ones challenging the MAPUCHE CAUSE. However, it is the official narrative, steeped in hate and racism, that lays the groundwork for justifying repressive measures and other policies labeled as “new deal” or “good living,” aimed at halting the territorial fight. This narrative, rife with stigma and demonization, has gradually eroded support for the Mapuche cause. This is compounded by the portrayal in numerous media outlets, which often depict the cause as being based on misleading data and information, obscuring the true extent and reality of the struggle.
In fact, recently there has been open discussion labeling our resistance efforts as terrorist or criminal activities, even though 90% of our actions are grounded in an ethic of humanitarian political action for social justice, upholding the most noble and worthy values of human existence. Moreover, the Mapuche struggle represents a genuine defense of life in its fullest expression, safeguarding our natural environment and the various forms of life that persist in our ancestral lands. It embodies a visionary commitment to fostering a better, fairer world for future generations, particularly through the preservation of land and habitat, in pursuit of a more humane, supportive, and community-oriented society akin to the Mapuche world.
However, the oligarchy, the extreme right, the fascist press, the racist institutions and the system’s lackeys treat us and portray us in the worst possible way, assigning us all kinds of false and fabricated labels to undermine us and tarnish our image in the eyes of potential supporters that we should have. It is crucial to acknowledge that Chile’s foundation is marred by racism and disdain for the Mapuche, a bitter truth we continue to confront. Personally, I was wrongfully convicted of wood theft, an “illicit act” I never engaged in. Moreover, my conviction for apology to violence is absurd, because it is based on expressions of strong ideas, in a context in which we are attacked with structural-racist violence aimed at our annihilation, against which we assert our right to voice our feelings and thoughts.
What is the CAM’s stance on the Commission for Peace and Understanding, which is due to submit a report to the President of the Republic in November?
This commission embodies the same rationale behind measures that neoliberal governments have enacted since the dictatorship’s end, targeting the Mapuche and indigenous peoples. The commission’s members perpetuate the indigenist and anti-Mapuche policies of the past 30 years, representing historical and institutional sectors that have failed to resolve the conflict, instead exacerbating political and economic oppression. Even anti-Mapuche sectors that have sanctioned colonialism and land dispossession by forestry companies and large estates are included.
This scenario suggests the inevitable failure of this entity, which seems designed to shift focus from the core issues: ancestral property and the territorial struggle.
Indeed, we are not impressed by Gabriel Boric’s attempt to secure his governance by criminalizing and marginalizing Mapuche autonomist groups, as this is a continuation of his neoliberal ideology, which will define his tenure.
Over the past few decades, the CAM has endured the violence of the capitalist State, including criminalization, judicialization, and political imprisonment, as well as murders. The latest incident involved Pablo Marchant, whose murder was initially leaked to the press as if it were your son Ernesto Llaitul.
The CAM, as an autonomist Mapuche entity, has consistently faced political persecution and violence from the State, its institutions, and agents since its inception. This violence manifests in the existing political, legal, institutional, and cultural frameworks directed against the mobilized Mapuche People. The militarization, criminalization, judicial proceedings with political incarcerations, and the assassination of our Weichafe starkly illustrate the violence on the part of the Chilean state.
The case of Pablo Marchant starkly demonstrates the violence in Wallmapu, perpetrated both by state forces and paramilitary groups at the service of forestry companies. These groups act with impunity, and Marchant’s brutal murder implicates state agents as well as mafia members who are shielded by oppressive institutions. Meanwhile, prosecutors, police, and authorities who are biased against the Mapuche people turn a blind eye to these transgressions.
Recent mainstream media coverage included an interview with the mother of Pablo Marchant, who claimed that the CAM is hindering the exhumation of her son for an autopsy. What insights can you provide on this?
Understanding the origin of this contradiction is crucial, as it is the hegemonic media that has spread the interview with lagmien [sister] Miriam, Pablo’s mother, to create discord and controversy against the CAM’s stance. It has been alleged that the CAM is hindering the exhumation, but in reality, it is upholding its political-strategic approaches and reaffirming principles and guidelines rooted in Mapuche Kimun [Knowledge] and Mapuche Rakiduam [Philosophy]. Consequently, there is complete consistency from the community in question, our organization, and the spokesperson we have supported previously, continue to support now, and will support in the future. This support is aimed at furthering the struggle for liberation, where cultural and spiritual values are fundamental to our beliefs and decisions, and which we will not compromise, as this fight is pivotal; it is about the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation.
The aim has been to stir controversy and divide those of us advocating for justice. We contend that institutions have co-opted certain groups that support the family’s call for justice, promoting the notion that these mechanisms side with the very institutions culpable for oppressing our fight for territory and autonomy. Indeed, seeking justice within the anti-Mapuche prosecutor’s office and biased courts, where police and military forces enact criminality is a pipe dream, it is a contradiction. We believe the path should have always been to create and utilize alternative mechanisms that empower our organized communities. Participating in the official, demonizing narrative, which is built on falsehoods and setups, contradicts our values, and attacking the vulnerable is a direct insult to us. While we empathize with the pain and helplessness, we cannot condone any breach of our principles—principles for which our people have shed blood, sweat, and tears to reclaim the dignity stripped from us over centuries. The Mapuche’s fight for national reconstruction is a quest for dignity, a righteous and noble cause we will steadfastly uphold. We are certain that Toño (Pablo Marchant) supports us from Wenu Mapu [World Up Above], his spirit alive in every act of defiance and resistance, sustaining the Mapuche Nation’s existence.
It is evident to us that the media serve specific interests of the powerful; the bourgeois press, for instance, has historically shown hatred towards the Mapuche, casting them in an outdated past centuries light. As for the so-called independent and progressive media, we conclude that they have sold out, or rather prostituted themselves to the highest bidder. Such a perspective is necessary to interpret the interview that aimed to sow confusion and foster an anti-CAM sentiment, laced with racism and disdain for both the organization and our struggle. Radio Biobío has long played this regrettable role, with “certain journalists” catering to fascist groups or participating in intelligence schemes designed to undermine the struggle that aligns with the autonomous values and principles upheld by us, the Weichafe of the CAM.
Extracting Toñito’s body to place him in a common cemetery is deeply detrimental to our cause, setting the stage for another incursion and occupation of the reclaimed lands. It represents an attack on territorial control and a violation of our spirituality. However, we must not ignore the fact and the conviction that it was the Weichafe who chose to remain with the Pu Lonko [Community Leaders], and thus was handed over to the ELUWUN, [Mapuche funeral ritual] along with hundreds and thousands of Autonomists Mapuche.
Is the Mapuche Nation an oppressed nation, an oppressed people?
Indeed, since the Chilean and Argentine states initiated military actions against our people, leading to a temporary defeat, we have been deprived of over 95% of our ancestral territory. Our people were reduced and subjected via manu militari to a colonial and racist system, leaving us impoverished, fragmented, and in a state of survival and resistance. However, we retain the right to rebel against such profound injustice. This is why we have put forward proposals for the Mapuche National Liberation.
What similarities and differences exist with other oppressed peoples such as the Palestinians?
All oppressed peoples of the world face a common plight: we suffer under the yoke of a ruling class that employs a range of national and international agents to perpetuate this subjugation. This framework of oppression is rooted in history and continues to evolve, driven by the capital’s necessity to proliferate across the globe.
Similarly, the concept of self-determination of peoples underpins a significant paradigm that aligns us with those striving for sovereignty and autonomy, each according to their unique identities and cultural expressions. This includes groups like the CAM, who advocate for the National Liberation of peoples. Consequently, our struggle resonates with the struggles of the Kurdish, Catalan, Basque, and the one taking place in Lebanon and especially that of the Palestinian People, to whom we extend our solidarity and support in their resistance against Israeli Zionism.
What is the significance of international solidarity with the Mapuche people?
It is crucial for us, particularly as we find ourselves more vulnerable than before, partly due to the reversal and betrayal of the Mapuche Cause by those claiming to be leftists and progressives (who have never participated in our people’s struggle). We must acknowledge that our list of political enemies and adversaries has expanded, including those who oppose and disparage the autonomous Mapuche cause. Given that racism pervades much of Chilean society and the media’s role in denigrating and degrading the Mapuche cause, we recognize that our efforts are more likely to be appreciated abroad, where there is a chance for a more objective understanding of this historical confrontation. For this reason, we are thankful for the chance to share our perspective in this interview, offering insight into the facts and reality of a longstanding conflict.
Do you think that the presence and observation of human rights organizations in ongoing judicial proceedings, particularly regarding the political imprisonment of the Mapuche, and specifically in your case, is important?
It is also essential for us, as we persist in asserting that our stance, along with that of the communities, is justified in this historic conflict where we face an absolute disadvantage. It resembles the battle between David and Goliath, where we endure the consequences of our ongoing resistance.
In Chile, all the fundamental rights of indigenous peoples are being violated. This country is the most backward in this matter, not only concerning constitutional and political rights but also in terms of the Mapuche movement’s progress. As tensions escalate, the State intensifies its repression and abuses against our people, which is a constant (violation of human rights) across all sectors, enforced by oppressive police and military forces, prejudiced judicial systems, and patronizing authorities that are ultimately functional to the system.
The involvement of international human rights observers is vital in the area of territorial political rights, particularly regarding the criminalization of the Mapuche cause, the right to due process, and the violation of indigenous peoples’ cultural rights.
Would you like to add something? Send a message to the international community?
The Mapuche Nation is internationally recognized as a warrior people, and the figure of LAUTARO, or Leftraru, is etched in the memory of the world’s great heroes of just causes. His military prowess is even studied in prestigious European military academies. Yet, the significance of this formidable Weichafe lies in the collective resistance of a people who, united and cohesive, knew how to preserve a society and worldview rich in cultural and idiosyncratic elements that define a dignified People, upholding the highest values of humanity, particularly the deep respect and acknowledgment of the profound connection between humans and the earth. This is the legacy we, the Mapuche, inherit today, as we strive to persist, liberating ourselves from the oppression and injustices we still endure under a system of domination. Our history is marked by this struggle, shaping our past, present, and future; it is why we Weichafe must resist and advance the path of the Mapuche Weichan, contributing to this great process of the reconstruction of the Mapuche Nation. Thus, we call upon the conscious and supportive people to accompany us in this process of struggle and give meaning and life to our war cry and political motto, “Amulepe Taiñ Weichan! Marrichiweu!! Weuwaiñ!!”.
English translation: Claudio Ekdahl
Interview published in ContrahegemoníaWeb, Kaos en la Red, Tercera Información, Rebelion, Resumen Latinoamericano, El Porteño
Portrait: Incendiar el Océano [Ignite the Ocean’s Blaze] (Book Nuestra América en la encrucijada: pandemia, rebeliones y estados de excepción)
Source: Vocesenlucha