In our analysis, the first thing we can affirm is that the previous Chilean government, of a “progressive” nature, has been responsible for opening the doors to the extreme right. This phenomenon has been a constant in different countries where fascism has been reinstated in recent times. Situation that contributes to confusing people. The “pseudo-progressives” present themselves by pretending to be what they are not, which ends up being misleading. Disoriented and deceived, people end up voting almost as punishment for an option that harms them in the long run. The responsibility for the vacuum used by “progressivism” is the same as that of the traditional left, which has not only been defeated, but is assumed as such, losing lines and principles.
If we stop at the behavior of progressives in the different countries that have managed to come to power, they end up administering the neoliberal model. This can be observed, for example, in Spain after the end of Franco’s dictatorship. The figure of Felipe González, an example for transitional Chile and who seemed to support a radical discourse, very soon ended up managing the model with privatizations and anti-popular measures. In Chile, the Boric Government immediately showed its true liberal essence, which brought with it disastrous consequences for the Mapuche people. It was with less concealment than the González school. Similar experiences were lived in neighboring countries, in Brazil with Lula, Ecuador with Correa, Morales in Bolivia and with the Kischners in Argentina, where the reactionary right just waited their turn.
Without a doubt, the Latin American extreme right turned out to be the most protected and subordinated to the American machinery, subjected and functional to the Yankee multinational corporations. In recent times, North American policy has not forgiven and its domination even occurs in a warlike logic: the case of Venezuela and Cuba. Perhaps for the same reason we can understand why the progressives in Chile were so fierce and cruel to persecute and repress the Mapuche and all other expressions of resistance, fully submitting to the prevailing post-dictatorship system and creating the conditions for a new neo-fascist and neo-colonial offensive. Now, with a far-right government and with many Pinochet supporters in power, the progressives have only limited themselves to negotiating, using the same Constitution that they were supposed to want to change, manipulating the social and political movement. Movement that will certainly protest again while they have to wait quietly for another 4 years attached to the institutional path. Because they only want positions and end up accepting compromises from those in power.
In this context, it should not be forgotten that Boric and the parties of his alliance left a much more repressive and modernized institutional framework of an openly anti-Mapuche nature, as was not known (Naim Retamal Law, Antitomas Law, Permanent Militarization, Anti-Terrorist Law, etc.). Regulations that extend to the social reality of the oppressed in general. They left everything ready, today the fascists only have to administer and apply the inherited measures.
To better understand the change of government within the framework of interbourgeois power, it is important to review the rearrangement of big capital in the Mapuche ancestral territory. Our analysis in this regard is that today, as an oppressed people, we must continue fighting mainly against the capitalist system. Along these lines, the enemy of the Mapuche cause are all capitalist investments in Wallmapu, primarily forestry investments because they support the largest property system usurped against the communities, especially those that once had a project to rearticulate lof and broader territorial spaces for the true composition of the Mapuche Nation People. The fight is mainly against them because of the serious effects that monocultures represent for our ñuke mapu and for the ecosystem in general.
Along with the fight against forestry companies, there is also a fight against different capitalist investment projects that attack communities, an occupation based on dispossession and mechanisms of economic control of the territory, an occupation by “accumulation by dispossession.” We are talking about megaprojects of all kinds that invade and prey on our ancestral territories, read hydroelectric plants, wind projects, real estate, mining, roads, etc., where large corporations, big capital, appropriate assets, lands and rights of communities to generate profits.
Likewise, the so-called “clean energy projects” are a chimera, given that they are installed in usurped spaces. We have already maintained that the last administrations have openly committed to maintaining the system of dispossession at any cost. A reality that only favors large economic groups, and although they include proposals under more “friendly” silvo-agricultural models, they share an extractivist sense that also affects and denigrates Mapuche culture. Not only due to the transformation of the territory at the service of capitalism but also due to the imposition of a pro-capitalist, Western colonial logic that greatly impacts the Mapuche social, political, ideological and cultural fabric.
Faced with this framework, we must sustain our proposal of struggle based on the resistance and reconstruction of our nation people against all expressions of globalized capitalism. Our main definitions are to confront global imperialism and the local colonialist dispossession that we suffer from the oligarchy and the bourgeois state. In this sense, we must reaffirm that we will maintain an autonomist and revolutionary Mapuche movement, with clearly anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist definitions. Bases to build a great process of Mapuche National liberation.
Amulepe taiñ weichan!!
Freedom to all Mapuche political prisoners!!
SOURCE: Vocesenlucha
by Héctor Héctor Llaitul Carrillanca /Resumen Latinoamericano, June 16, 2026