The government’s “Democratization” project, part of its “Turkey Without Terror” policy, which was kept secret and eagerly awaited, especially by Kurds, was finally opened for signature in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) on August 6, 2026, under the title “Draft Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration,” and discussed in the TBMM “Justice Committee.” Thus, while the state, albeit fraudulently, reached the stage of making a “legal regulation,” the Kurdish political party, other political parties, and the wider public learned the concrete nature of the “democratization” project of the “Turkish Republic” government by seeing the 12-article draft law.
Within the parliamentary arithmetic, there were those who, like the DEM Party, approached the issue with optimism, offering the lesser of two evils, as well as those who took a direct critical approach. Of course, those who signed and those who did not sign the draft law also began to reveal their stance. It is possible to interpret this dual, and perhaps even triple, difference in attitude as normal reactions in accordance with the principle of democracy. However, it is obvious that where there is no democracy, these reactions and differences do not, and will not, develop on the basis of this principle. In this case, it would not be wrong, and would be accurate, to say that bourgeois and bourgeois clique interests lead to differences in reactions and attitudes. Therefore, it would not be a prophecy to argue that the current differences in reactions and attitudes will continue to sharpen during the legalization process of the bill. It is clear that the ongoing debates and cracks will have much more to say. Without needing to say more about the bourgeois squabbles, we move on to our main topic…
“Human Memory is Prone to Forgetfulness”: The Kurds Are Being Deceived Once Again!
It is an undeniable fact that the current stage, presented as a “legal regulation” process, is the product of the “negotiation” or “agreement” process conducted between the state and Öcalan (and therefore the PKK). In this context, it can be argued that the draft law opened for signature in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and its content are at least known and accepted by Öcalan.
Following the dissolution of the PKK, the decision to burn weapons, and the transition to a “New Paradigm” based on the “Democratic Society” project, the most intense demand from the Kurdish political front was for legal regulation. Indeed, the government/state declares that it has taken the step of providing for legal regulation with the aforementioned draft law. Thus, the ball is once again thrown to Öcalan (or the PKK). Now, the condition that the state puts forward for the validity of its legal regulation is; We will be watching to see what steps the Kurdish front, and especially Öcalan, will take in response to the conditions stipulated in the bill, which essentially state: “The PKK/KCK must cease its de facto existence with all its components, surrender all its weapons inventory to the state, and transfer all its assets to the state budget!”
If our claim that the current bill was shaped as a result of negotiations with Öcalan is correct (which it is), then the steps Öcalan and the PKK will take are clear; these will be based on the fulfillment of the conditions set forth in the bill. We shall see…
We shall see, but we believe it is necessary, and perhaps even mandatory, to focus on a few points here.
1- The bill includes a conceptualization such as “National Solidarity” in its title. This concept is problematic, and it reveals the dominance of the unitary “Turkish Republic” ruling system in the process being attempted. In other words, the national democratic rights of the oppressed Kurdish nation, beyond the historical injustices it has suffered, reveal the ideological-political goals of the oppressing nation’s ruling classes. What kind of national solidarity? Is it a solidarity based on the Turkish nation? Or is it a solidarity between the Turkish and Kurdish nations? Both possibilities are wrong and problematic. Where does the need for solidarity within the Turkish nation stem from? What kind of problem does the Turkish nation have? The problem lies with the Kurdish nation, and if there is to be solidarity, it should be with the Kurdish nation or in favor of the Kurdish nation. The Kurdish nation is not only denied national rights, but is also subjected to national oppression and persecution. The Turkish nationalist-racist ruling classes oppress the Kurdish nation, denying it all its national and national-democratic rights, and nullifying all inherent rights of nationhood through national oppression and policies of denial and destruction. In other words, there is no equality between the two nations; one is the oppressed nation, the other, in the person of its bourgeoisie, is the oppressor nation. How can the oppressed Kurdish nation unite with and show solidarity under the monolithic, racist, fascist Turkish nationalism of the Turkish ruling classes? Uniting with and showing solidarity with this Turkish nationalism is not, and cannot be, the task of the Kurdish nation. In short, what is meant is national solidarity based on Turkish nationalism. The Kurdish nation needs a struggle for independence, not such solidarity…
3- We used the word “legal regulation” in our statements. However, what has been done is only the postponement and regulation of the execution of “penalties” within the scope of “crime-punishment” carried out against the legitimate national-social revolutionary struggle, which is treated as “terrorism” in bourgeois law. Therefore, calling what has been achieved a “legal regulation” is not exactly accurate. We used the concept of “legal regulation” for the sake of expressing the issue easily and the reality of legal regulation in the narrow sense, and we did not consider using it as a serious problem…
4- It is true, the Kurdish political front demanded that legal regulations be made. However, this request does not only include the postponement of sentence executions. Essentially, in the local government law, on education in the mother tongue, on the legal definition and recognition of Kurdish identity, etc. etc. It is aimed at making legal regulations on the basis of However, contrary to the legal regulation demanded by the Kurdish political front, the state only envisages a legal regulation in the “criminal execution law”; The proposed law has this content. Therefore, the Kurds have been deceived and are being deceived once again. Moreover, the bill that is opened for signature is also subject to strict and heavy conditions. These and similar conditions have not been put forward in any regulation made in retroactive “penalty execution” laws. Today, the regulation regarding the envisaged “penal execution” law is indexed to conditions such as the PKK dissolving itself, laying down its weapons and the confirmation of this abandonment by the security forces…
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This bill, which imposes surrender to the PKK in the context of the conditions, is not satisfied with the sanctions it puts forward. It is extremely significant that the bill determines the date (except before 1.6.2005) regarding life sentence and serious life sentence trials and trial results. This means that the founding and main cadres of the PKK are excluded from the regulation of the postponement of “penalty” executions envisaged by this bill. In other words, it does not include these old cadres in the process even at the expense of liquidating the PKK. It is understood that all PKK guerrillas other than these cadres will be brought under the scope of the law and will be allowed to return to the country. And this process will probably come into effect before long. It stands out as a strong possibility that PKK militants will soon enter the country in groups.
Under the conditions of postponement of executions, when a person whose sentence has been postponed or a member of the PKK commits a “terrorist crime” within the specified postponement period, the regulation in the bill will be abolished and the old “penalty” will be paid, etc. etc. This condition in the “Law” proposal aims to immobilize the entire democratic opposition of the Kurds with bourgeois laws in the context of the “TC” government securing itself. Because today’s state/government labels everyone it wants as a terrorist, evaluates every “crime” as a “terror crime” and subjects it to fascist legal treatment. There is never any guarantee that the suspended “penalties” will not be reinstated for the PKK members who return to the country tomorrow, within the scope of the legal regulation, on the grounds that they committed “terrorist activity, terrorist crime” just because they defended and propagated the national-democratic rights of the Kurdish nation. It is clearly stated in the bill; It states that if any “terrorist crime” is committed within the execution postponement period, the “penalty” will be paid by being deprived of the execution postponement. Everyone knows how recklessly the label and crime of “terrorism” is used. Anyone who criticizes the government is a “terrorist”. Therefore, PKK members who lay down their arms and come will be literally shackled and will be deprived of even conducting democratic politics. This means and means the real liquidation of the PKK and its integration into the system…
An ironic detail; In accordance with the bill, the PKK will not only give all its weapons and military equipment into the hands of the state, but will also transfer its wealth, a significant portion of which consists of donations collected from the public, taxes and contributions of labor and business democratic forces, to the coffers of the fascist state, the anti-Kurdish state/government!…
Undoubtedly, the ideological, political, organizational destruction and liquidation of the national movement is much more important and serious than the material problem. However, it is worth noting as a dramatic situation that the donations given by the Kurdish people and the democratic masses to the PKK for the sake of the struggle and war against the state were collected and given to the state…
In conclusion, if you do not struggle and fight against the state, why should the state have a special hostility and push you out of order? If you do not fight against the state, you will be presenting a citizen profile that the state wants, and it is extremely meaningless for the state to have a special hostility towards this citizen beyond oppression and exploitation. Under normal circumstances, “Put down the weapons, let’s live together as brothers. If there are problems, we will solve them together.” The state says. In other words, it is completely meaningless for the state to engage in private conflict with its citizens unless it fights against the reactionary coercive devices of the state with legitimate revolutionary coercive weapons, and therefore after being integrated into the bourgeois order…
Now, important steps have been taken for the reasons of “amnesty has been granted, legal regulations have been made” etc. etc. It is said that these steps are accepted as a praiseworthy development and some circles are trying to justify the PKK’s dissolution and laying down its arms in the face of these. However, it is foolish for the state to show special hostility after it is not a threat to the state and is on the ground that the state wants; nor does it.
In other words, the relationship, which is conditioned on comprehensive “laying down arms” and abandoning the areas and tools of struggle, is more than a mutual negotiation or agreement, it reveals a unilateral imposition, a plan of the dominant power to liquidate the opposing power. This is the summary of the “Framework Law”. Presenting it as the first step towards comprehensive social peace is nothing more than a bourgeois illusion. Again, the discussions about the “framework law” being prepared without ensuring “social consensus” are the production of a liberal bourgeois line. The main content cannot be postponed with these formal discussions. The monist-racist-denier political-ideological line of the oppressor nation bourgeoisie “TC” ruling system and its military-legal-cultural powers protect themselves institutionally and tell a tale of democracy to the oppressed nation Kurds.
Putting forward some “regulations” regarding the national oppression applied to the Kurdish nation historically and currently, without creating any split in the bourgeois laws, only regarding the legal consequences of the ongoing war, and binding this to conditions aimed at liquidating the military-organizational-political power of the Kurdish nation, is not “democratization”, but the policy of the oppressor nation bourgeoisie to produce itself in line with the process. With open fascism, the AKP-MHP rule in Turkey-Northern Kurdistan does not operate a political process limited to just trying to suppress organized social opposition, but targets all social forces that risk becoming oppositionists as potential “criminals”. The closest example to this is the arrest of many people, young and old, on the grounds that they “may take action” during the NATO meeting. In a political atmosphere where the demand for economic-democratic rights is the “law” of the fascist government within the scope of “terrorism crime”, trying to move forward on the street of democracy with the producers of this atmosphere is political blindness, if not a shift in the political axis.
The “TC” government is organizing darkness in Türkiye-Northern Kurdistan and the region in order to structure itself according to the needs arising from the internal and external political process. The summary of this is the destruction and liquidation of national and revolutionary forces. Undoubtedly, this has a connection with the ongoing imperialist struggles and wars, and this is the subject of another analysis. In summary, the “framework law”, subject to the condition of “laying down arms” through the “confirmation and determination” mechanism and referred to the approval of MİT-MGK-Erdoğan, reveals the liquidation imposed on the Kurdish national struggle.